|.T\ Q> 






"ZP 



\-<^\ 5 



AFFAIRS IN CUBA. 



SPEECH 




HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, 



OK INDIANA, 



SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



Thursday, April 14, 1898. 



"WASHINGTON. 
1898. 






^• 



4 



E 711 



38067 



^'*. 



SPEECn 



OF 



HON. CHARLES W. FAIPyBANKS, 



Mr. Davis, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, reported the follow- 
ing joint resolution: 

For the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba, demanding 
that the Government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in 
the Island of Cuta, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and 
Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the 
land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into 
effect. 

Whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three 
years in the Island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral 
sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian 
civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a United States 
battle ship, with 2C6 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the 
harbor of Havana, and can not longer be endured, as has been set forth by 
the President of the United States in his message to Congress of April 11, 
1898, upon which the action of Congress was invited: Therefore, 

Eesolved by the Senate and House of Represeyitatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled. 

First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, 
free and independent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Gov- 
ernment of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government of 
Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba 
and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, di- 
rected and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United 
States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of 
the several States, to such extent as may be necessary to carry these resolu- 
tions into effect. 

Mr. FAIRBANKS said: 

Mr. President; I shall detain tlie Senate but briefly in the 
consideration of the great question that is pending before us. I 
would, indeed, be quite content to leave it where it has been left 
by the splendid addresses of the Senator from Massachusetts 
[Mr. Hoar] and the Senator from Delaware [Mr. Gray] . I am 
slow to add any word at this moment lest it be discordant with 
the patriotic and splendid sentiments uttered by those distin- 
guished Senators — sentiments clothed in chissic diction and fervid 
with exalted patriotism. 

3243 3 



4 • 

Mr. President, I have come to the Senate as I would seek a 
sanctuary in the contemplation of this great issue. I, sir, have 
not been for either peace at any i^rice or war at any cost. 1 have 
been steadfastly for i^eace if it could be maintained honorably, 
and for war if the national dignity and honor required it. 

The problem which is presented to us is one of the greatest grav- 
ity, one which invokes our most deliberate, liatriotic judgment. 
Many times during the last three-quarters of a century our rela- 
tions with Spain have been the subject of deep concern and pro- 
found embarrassment. The proximity of the Island of Cuba to 
our shores, our intimate commercial relations with it, are such 
that we are instantlj"- and sensibly aliected in a greater or less de- 
gTee by its misgovernment. 

The island stands sentinel over the Gulf of Mexico, the entrance 
to the Mississippi River, and lies in the direct course of our com- 
merce via the Isthmus of Panama. We have been and shall 
always continue to be concerned in the character of the govern- 
ment which maintains in it. No other nation can have an inter- 
est in the maintenance of peace and in the existence of stable and 
just government in it equal to ours. Turbulence and revolution 
there involve cur peace, embarrass our commerce, and entail upon 
us heavy expense iu the observance and enforcement of our neu- 
trality laws. 

During the last thirty years insurrections have occurred in the 
island which the Spanish G-overnmeut has been impotent to sup- 
press, and devastating warfare has existed for many j^ears. 
Each recurring insurrection apparently has been more determined 
and successful than the preceding one, and the Spanish author- 
ity has continiied to diminish until it seems that the Crown is in- 
capable of successfully reestablishing it in the island. 

The war that has been waged has been in disreg^ard of the uni- 
versally recognized principles of modern warfare. The torch has 
laid waste the homes and property of innocent people not engaged 
in the struggle, and barbarities have been practiced which dis- 
gi-aced savagery. A fruitful island, susceptible of high develop- 
ment and the support of a prosperous nation, has been reduced in 
many places to a drearj' waste; commerce has been destroyed, and 
the people driven from their homes to starvation and death. The 

world has witnessed a warfare without a counterpart iu its bru- 
3213 



talities and its destructiveness; and the moral sense of the civilized 
nations has been shocked and aroused as never before. 

Our Government has neither coveted the island nor sought T)y 
force to control its administration. It has been our settled policy 
from an early period to permit no foreign interference with tho 
Spanish authority over it. Our imperative demand has been 
that Cuba should fall under the sovereignty of no power other than 
Spain. We have repeatedly declared that we would not, without 
interference, see it pass to any other European power. This was 
clearly the policy embraced in the Monroe doctrine; and it was 
pointedly urged by Mr. Clay in 18'2o, in his note to Mr. Brovrn, 
when he said: 

Yon will now add that we cotild not consent to the occupation of these 
islands (Cuba and Puerto Rico) by any other European power than Spanish 
under any contingency whatever. 

This doctrine has never been modified; it has been repeatedly 
reiterated and reaffirmed. But for our opposition, England would 
undoubtedly have acquired the island when she desired to do so in 
1823 and thereafter have established a government which would 
have relieved us from the disquiet that has prevailed, and the 
world would not have witnessed the horrors of Spanish rule at our 
very doors. Indeed, but for our attitude, other powers might 
have succeeded to the Spanish control and have established stable 
government in the Island of Ctiba. 

In view of our relations to the island and of our policy of oppo- 
sition to foreign interference with Spanish control, we are morally 
bound to put an end to the wrongs, the outrages, the evils which 
flow from Spanish misrule. 

We have repeatedly tendered to the Spanish cabinet our friendly 
offices to end the wars in Cuba and to restore peace. Our offers 
uniformly have been rejected. Many of the concessions we have 
demanded, however, have been granted to the insurgents. During 
the ten-years war slavery was abolished at our demand; autono- 
mous government was proposed, in name, however, rather than 
in reality. The autonomy offered was in fact a sham, a delusion, 
for the grasp of Spain was in no essential degree relaxed. 

This Government has at all times been scrupulously observant 
of her duties toward Spain, yet Spain has been either unwilling 
or unable to properly protect the rights of our citizens or to make 



6 

adequate reparation for the wrongs committed against them. 
They have been imprisoned without cause and tardily released 
without just reparation for the indignities and wrongs committed. 
The story is an old one, is already familiar as a thrice-told tale. 
History is but repeating itself. 

When the present Administration succeeded to power, war ex- 
isted in Cuba. An insurrection had broken out some time pre- 
viously, which the Spanish authority was unable to subdue 
Many American citizens were imprisoned and our commerce with 
the island was seriously embarrassed. Our authorities were vig- 
ilant in the apprehension and suppression of filibustering expedi- 
tions which were being organized on our shores. 

Weyler was Captain-General of the island, and in the name of 
war had entered upon a system of extermination, had violated 
every recognized code of civilized warfare, and was fast bringing 
the island and its people to destruction. 

Although confronted with questions of grave and serious mo- 
ment at home, the Administration speedily addressed itself to the 
Cuban problem which has vexed our diplomacy and disturbed 
our tranquillity for so many years. 

For many months the Chief Executive, upon whom rests, under 
the Constitution, the conduct of our foreign affairs, has been at- 
tempting to solve the Cuban problem peacefully and honorably. 
He has proceeded to its consideration with a broad and sympa- 
thetic statesmanship, and with a determination to enforce all the 
just demands we could make upon the Spanish authority, and 
with a purpose of defending, in the fullest degree, the national 
honor. The task imposed has been a gi-ave and difficult one, and 
he has discharged it in a manner to challenge the admiration of 
his contemporaries and, in my opinion, to win the approval of 
dispassionate history. 

His policy was an open one known to the world; it was peace 
with honor above and beyond all else, and war with honor only 
as the last dread emergency. If war was to come, it must come 
at such time as we would be able to meet it and in such manner 
as the whole world would apiirove. He truly comprehended the 
resources and patriotism of our people, and well knew that but 
one result would follow an appeal to the sword. He also knew 



that nothing so became the mighty power of a great people as its 
sparing use. 

Much has been accomplished by the Executive. Spanish prisons 
which contained many American citizens have been opened, and 
no American is in prison on Spanish soil; the rule of Weyler was 
closed by his withdrawal at the demand of this Government. His 
orders whereby noncombatants were driven from their fields and 
homes into cities and villages to starve and die have been re- 
scinded. But the relief has come too late. Upward of 200,000 
inoffensive citizens who never struck a blow at Spanish authority 
have i^erished — a harvest of death which only Sj^ain could reap. 

Thousands of others have been brought to the verge of destruc- 
tion and are incapable of either returning to their desolated homes 
or existing until their crops can be grown if they were able t0 
return. Through the appeals of the Executive, the American 
people have contributed liberally of their abundance, and ships 
have been loaded with food for the reconcentrados, and thousands 
have been saved by this merciful interposition who otherwise 
would have been lost, 

Mr. President, upon the hands of the Spanish people is the blood 
not only of our own brave sailors but of over 200,000 of Spain's 
subjects; not of our race, it is true, but of fellow-beings created 
in the image of our Maker. This stain can not be washed away; 
it ' ' will rather the multitudinous seas incarnadine. " Where in all 
history are there crimes so atrocious? The murders and atroci- 
ties in Cuba have been committed as near to our shores as Phila- 
delphia is to New York. The continuance of the starvation of 
noncombatants as an adjunct of war within the shadow of our 
homes must result in our own debasement and demoralization. 
Spanish cruelty has no synonym in the human tougae. 

But a few weeks ago the Maine, one of our war vessels, was 

sent to the harbor of Havana upon a mission of peace, for the 

protection of American interests, and not for war. Her going 

was but the resumption of old-time friendly relations. While the 

noble ship rested at peace in the harbor of Havana, while she was 

enjoying Spanish hospitality, she was destroyed, and most of her 

brave crew perished with her. When the blow came she was 

Spain's guest, which '-wasstrong against the deed."' The explosion 
3243 



aroused our countrymen and sliook the earth. It was the master 
tragedy of the age. 

The report of our naval board charged with the duty of ascer- 
taining the cause of the explosion found that it was primarily 
due to an external agency, but did not attempt to fix the respon- 
sibility upon any person or persons. The report was promptly 
transmitted to the Spanish Government, which has made answer 
of disavowal. This is not enough. Our country has been touched 
as by no other sorrow. Our countr3'men, v.'hose judgments are 
always just, have seriously and patiently sought the awful truth, 
desiring to acquit, not convict; they have weighed all the evidence, 
and no doubt remains in their minds tliat the massacre of our 
sailors, wearing the Federal uniCorm, v.-as the foul work of 
Spanish treachery. 

The evidence is ami^le to convict Spain. INo unprejudiced jury 
in all Christendom would fail to render a verdict of guilty if Spain 
were an individual resting under indictment in a court of criminal 
jurisdiction. Her conduct, both before and after the fact, leaves 
no possible shadow of doubt. Vv^'hether the electric current was 
sent upon its mission of death by Spanish decree or by a Spanish 
functionary in Havana, we will not stop to inquire. 

It is not for us to do so. The burden rests upon Spain. It was 
by the direct order of her military authorities that the Maine waa 
anchored above a powerful, deadly, submarine mine. Was this 
accidental? Splendid sport, indeed! How chivalric! What a 
token of friendship and esteem! What a graceful courtesy! But 
it is said by Spain that we have not shown that she released the 
fatal spark. Ee it so. It is not necessary. The primary cause 
was her act; we will not look beyond it. The original offense 
was hers. Nor are we obliged to stop to inquire whether the 
Spanish officers were negligent or exceeded their authoritj'. If 
such a duty rests upoji anyone, it does not rest ui:)on us. 

The finger of suspicion pointed strongly to Spain from the be- 
ginning, and events have strengthened suspicion into a convic- 
tion. Her perfunctory disavowal and sympathy were but cruel 
mockery. What think you would have been Great Britain's reply 
were the tragedy transferred to her waters? The cable would 
have been too slow to bear abundant testimony of her profound 

sympathy and complete disavowal and her purpose to hunt to the 
3243 



death the fiendish perpetrators. Or what thiuk you our sister 
Republic, France, or the G erman Empire, Russia, Italy, or Austria, 
or any other of the civilized governments with which we are at 
amity would have said or done? 

They would each have avouched their sincere sympathy and 
made disavowal of any privity with the act and expressed their de- 
termination to rest only when the authors of it were brought to 
justice, and we would have believed them and the world would have 
believed them. But it was left to Spain, which has not fairly 
emerged from the night of the Middle Ages; to Spain, which has led 
theworldintheiuventionof instruments of torture; to Spain, which 
to-day feeds its youth upon lessons of blood and suffering, to make 
reply and pursue a course which is inconsistent with a sense of 
absolute innocence. Guilt would fence; innocence would frankly 
disavow and lead in the search for those who did the deed. Inno- 
cence would show the blow was struck at both and would rest 
only when the authors of it were brought to justice. 

Those who know best the Spanish character and the present 
frenzy of the Spanish mind are most convinced of Spanish guilt. 
To them no doubt remains. 

Sir, the ghosts of the Maine will not down; they beckon us on. 
Would that they could tell the secrets of their "prison-house." 
Then we would know how, sleeping, the Spanish " serpent stung " 
them. 

For this grave act Spain must make due amends. 

But if it be granted that the guilt of Spain for this crime can 
not be fixed by the fair analysis of fact and law, yet she will not 
be held blameless from a moral standpoint. If her rule is so lax, 
her impotence so great, that she can not give protection to the 
lives and property of her friendly neighbors, she is no longer fit 
to rule; her sovereignty becomes a menace and friendly powers 
are insecure. 

Our own tranquillity, our own sense of security, our regard for 
our present and future comfort and for the lives of her hapless 
andhelpless subjects, demand that we should interpose the mighty 
power of this Government to stop the carnival of crime and suffer- 
ing and restore peace in the Island of Cuba until some suitable 
government may be formed which shall be a guaranty to us and 

to the other nations of the earth that it will at all times in the 
3243 



10 

future be ready and willing and able to discharge its domestic 
and international obligations. 

It is instinctive with us to desire to see people who are oppressed 
freed from the oppressor and secured in the God-given, inalienable 
privileges of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. "We de- 
eire and hope to see the independence of Cuba secured. Spain 
has, by every just consideration, by every standard of interna- 
tional duty, forever forfeited any right. to further dominion over 
the Cuban people; and we hope to see established on the island a 
free and just government, endowed with functions for protecting 
the lives and property of the present and future generations who 
may dwell upon it. 

But, Mr. President, I am not prepared at present to favor the 
recognition of the independence of the present so-called Republic 
of Cuba. We know but little about it. It is too nebulous, too 
mythical, to be invited into the family of nations by our potential 
act. The present so-called government, at most, is a military 
oligarchy with no habitat, with no well-defined governmental 
organism exercising the functions of a republic; and if we were to 
recognize its independence under the present pressure without 
adequate knowledge or information, it might lead to the estab- 
lishment of a power upon the island which would i^rove vesatious 
and hurtful to us, and our second estate might be as bad or worse 
than our first, or at least we might continue to be seriously men- 
aced and disturbed by it. 

There are, doubtless, among the citizens of the island those 
capable of forming and establishing a government which will be 
Btable and secure and which will be a guaranty that the Cuban 
question is settled for all time to come. It seems to me, there- 
fore, that the first imperative duty resting upon us is to establish 
tranquillity in the island, relieve the suffering and distressed, and 
then enable the citizens of the island to deliberate and form a 
government upon such lines as their highest and best interests 
may require. 

It may be that the present pretended republic is expressive of 
the highest and best thought of the island, and that its recogni- 
tion will be foimd to be in the best interest of all concerned. If 
this be so, time will demonstrate it. We should not forget that 

3243 



11 

the ultimate decision is in our hands; that justice will not mis- 
carry; delay will not defeat her righteous demands. 

The air is too full of rumors as to the character of the present 
so-called Cuban Republic and as to the bonds that havebeen floated 
in its name in this country and said to be in the hands of specu- 
lators, to justify us in any hasty act of recognition. 

We have had introduced here by the distinguished Senator 
from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] the weighty testimony of Clara 
Barton, a veritable angel of mercy, entirely disinterested, with no 
motive on God's earth except in the interest of humanity, and her 
testimony is against the recognition of the independence of the 
present so-called Cuban Republic. Who knows better than she? 
Do the distinguished Senators who advocate immediate recogni- 
tion? For my part, I will accept the intelligent, disinterested 
testimony of Clara Barton. 

Mr. President, we have been educated to the doctrine in this 
country that the majority shall rule. If it shall be demonstrated 
that the present so-called republic is fairly representative of the 
majority of the citizens of Cuba, I would gladly and quickly vote 
to recognize its authority. If it represents a majority, and we 
compel peace, it should have no difficulty in convincing us of the 
fact, and that it is entitled to rule, and to recognition. 

Sir, no one will distrust our motives in taking this step. We 
do not intervene for revenge, for the acquisition of territory, for 
the extension of our authority and power. Our past history is 
ample proof of this. Spain has long overtaxed the generous for- 
bearance of our people. We have suffered wrongs which would 
have justified a nation actuated by less exalted motives than we 
to have struck in revenge. Ample opportunity has heretofore 
occurred for the seizure of the island by force if we had been 
eager to extend our dominion. Mr. President, the world will 
acquit us of any base desire. The misgovernment of Cuba has 
become so flagrant, the barbarism, the wrongs, the outrages there 
have so offended the civilized worM that we must intervene for 
and in the name of humanity. No higher motive can actuate 
any government. 

Mr. President, I am aware, as was well said by the distin- 
guished Senator from Delaware [Mr. Gray] this afternoon, that 

3213 



12 

intervention in the domestic affairs of another power is a matter 
of delicacy, and should be attempted only where the necessity is 
clear and where it is demanded by grave exigency. Such neces- 
sity exists here, surely, indisputably. 

There are those who insist that before intervening we should 
recognize the independence of the republic which is said to have 
been organized and maintained in the island. It is urged, among 
other things, tliat recognition should occur in order that we may 
not become liable to the holders of certain Spanish bonds said to 
have been issued tinder a pledge of the revenues of Cuba for the 
payment of the accruing interest thereon. It is argued that inter- 
vention without recognition would impose upon us a liability which 
may be avoided by recognition. I must wholly dissent from the 
soundness of this proposition. There is not one precedent, so far 
as I am aware, which supports the contention. 

Let us briefly see what the opposing position is. If I under- 
stand correctly, it is: That we shall first recognize the inde- 
pendence of the present Cuban Republic and then intervene with 
force to sustain it; while the opposite contention is that we shall 
intervene with force and then acknowledge the independence of 
the present republic, if, when in possession of adequate informa- 
tion, its recognition is proper; and if it is not a proper government 
to recognize, then that we shall recognize some republic which 
the patriots of Cuba may deliberately form. Such is the diver- 
gency of our views, though we are seeking to attain the same end. 

Is there subtlety enough here to measure the difference in our 
obligations— our international liabilities tinder these two methods? 
Mr. President, I am free to confess that I am unable to see why 
our ultimate responsibility would not be the same in the one case 
as in the other. The final end is the same, though the processes 
are slightly different. It seems to me that the substance of our act 
must control, and not the mere form. Haste, sir, in this vital 
matter is not of the essence of the sitttation; correct conclusions, 
sound and stable results should be our sole and only aim. 

But, Mr. President, no liability will rest ttpon us whichever 
method we pursue. Spain has, by her course, which it is unneces- 
sary to review in this connection, forfeited her right to further 
dominion over Cuba or its revenues. If the revenues were ever 

o243 



13 

pledged to the satisfaction of a series of Spanish bonds, such pledge 
was necessarily subject to the forfeiture of the island for the vio- 
lation of those humane principles and precepts which are observed 
by the civilized nations of the earth. 

Sir, the rights of humanity are superior to the rights of bond- 
holders. We violate neither the law of nations nor incur the bur- 
dens which rest upon Spain by our act of recognition either before 
or after intervention. If our act is warranted by the considera- 
tions of humanity, no bondholder can be heard to complain. 

When the bonds were taken under a specific pledge, they were 
taken upon the implied understanding that the pledgeor would 
observe its international obligations according to the standard of 
civilized nations. The bondholder was presumed to know that a 
violation of those obligations would work a forfeiture of the estate 
and the dispossession of the soverignty of the obligor. The bonds, 
sir, were taken subject to a condition, and that condition was the 
proper observance and practice of the rules o'f humanity, the 
faithful discharge of international duties. The condition, sir, has 
been broken. 

We are at the beginning of a new epoch in our history. No 
graver emergency ever confronted us than the one which faces us 
at this hour. Peace is about to be abdicated for a policy which 
may lead to war. War, if it comes, will have been forced upon 
us by the misgovernment, the insolence, the cruelty of Spain. 
Spain has too long presumed upon our good nature. She has too 
long offended against the sense of justice of onr people. Her des- 
ultory, guerrilla-like, barbarous warfare upon her subjects in 
Cuba, upon American citizens and American commerce, has been 
in effect a war upon us. 

The concessions she has made toward a modification of her iron 
and harsh rule have been made but to be broken. Her diplomacy 
has been characterized by subtlety, insincerity, and insult, until 
our countrymen have lost faith in her professions, confidence in 
her stability and fitness to rule. All sense of security and safety 
to our citizens and their commercial interests in Cuba is forever 
destroyed so long as Spanish sovereignty is maintained there. 
The highest dictates of national interest and hiimanity require 
that the war which is waged in Cuba should be stopped by force 
of arms, all other means of a pacific nature failing. 



14 

We need make no apology for the deliberation and delay in 
making this last appeal, for no self-respecting nation could afford 
to do less than exhaust to the fullest degree the resources of di- 
plomacy before a resort to arms. If some delay has occurred 
while the powers concerned, have attempted to effect a peaceful 
and honorable conclusion, and war comes, we can have the conso- 
lation of the reflection that sorrow has been delayed in countless 
households throughout the land. Thousands of patriotic boys 
above and before v/hom stands the bow of promise have been ready 
to lay down their lives if diplomacy failed. If there has been 
seeming delay in calling them to arms their soon to be desolated 
homes will nt»t complain. 

We strike not in anger, not for mere revenge, not for the exten- 
sion of our sovereignty, but in defense of our rights and in dis- 
charge of our duty divinely imposed. 

Mr. President, I had profoundly hoped until recently that war 
could be averted. We have patiently witnessed the effort of the 
Chief Executive to attain an honorable and peaceful solution of' 
the grave problem. 

The conservative, patriotic people of the country have been pro- 
foundly impressed by his statesmanship, his tenacity of purpose, 
and the ability and force with which he has pressed the consider- 
ation of our just demands and rights upon the attention of the 
Spanish Government. We have had full faith and confidence in 
his courage and patriotic purpose and desired that he should 
exhaust every honorable means to avert war before it should be 
invited or declared. 

We have desired, moreover, that he should be given oppor- 
tunity to make that preparation which is necessary to meet so 
grave an emergency. With the foresight of true statesmanship— 
and I would that the Senator from Washington [Mr. Turner] 
were in his seat, that he might hear what I say — he has negotiated 
for peace with one hand while preparing by day and by night for 
war with the other. When he took the oath of his high office, 
our country was not prepared to engage in war. Conscious of 
our isolation, and disarmed by long years of peace, we were illy 
fitted to engage in war with any j)ower. Our seaport cities were 
inadequately protected. 



15 

Our marine force, while of high quality, was entirely insuffi- 
cient in quantity. While this fact was generally recognized by 
those who had given intelligent consideration to the subject, it 
was unknown to many of our countrymen, who were insistent upon 
immediate measures which would instantly precipitate war. They 
were doubtless unadvised as to whether we had ample coast de- 
fenses to resist foreign attack, as to whether we had an ample fleet, 
or as to whether we had ammunition sufficient for one battle. 

Mr. President, I coniess I have come to the conclusion to which 
I have arrived after much deliberation— reluctantly and with pro- 
found regret. I have hoped and prayed that this great emergency 
might be honorably averted or avoided. JMy hesitancy did not 
grow out of any doubt as to the patriotism or the power of my 
country. It was due to no possible doubt as to the result of the 
issue, but to the fact that I have felt that even Spain , cruel and 
merciless as she has been, would not be wholly dead to our right- 
eous and firm appeals. 

Nearly one year ago I expressed myself in this Chamber in favor 
of extending our friendly offices to Spain in aid of a settlement of 
the war in Cuba, indulging the hope that pacific efforts would 
accomplish the desired end and also expressing the conviction that 
if all else failed, this Government should reach out its^strong arm 
and command peace. Sir, all reasonable, peaceable means have 
been employed by the Chief Executive, earnestly, intelligently, 
and patriotically. 

All efforts at amicable solution have failed, and all that remains 
is to invoke the mighty power of this Government in behalf of 
enduring peace and imperiled humanity. We shall now have the 
satisfaction of knowing that, come what maj' in the lottery of 
war, we have left undone nothing which could be done consist- 
ently with honor to secure a pacific settlement. The Spanisli.flag 
must be withdrawn and cease forever to contaminate the air of 
this hemisphere. To the high and holy cause of humanity and 
the vindication of our national honor we dedicate the lives and 
fbrtune of the Republic. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS |l 




013 902 149 6 



